Effects of enhanced sanctions for high-BAC DWI offenders on case dispositions and rates of recidivism

Implemented January 1, 1998, Minnesota's high-BAC law mandates more severe administrative pre-conviction penalties and more severe post-conviction penalties for offenses with BACs > or = 0.20%. Most notably, the law provides for the administrative impoundment of the license plate of first-time DWI offenders with BACs > or = 0.20. During the three years after the law took effect, a large majority of first-time and repeat offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% did, in fact, receive high-BAC administrative dispositions and/or high-BAC court convictions, which carried more severe penalties. For example, in 1998 85.6% of first offenders with BACs > or = 0.20% received a high-BAC administrative disposition and/or a high-BAC court conviction; 65.0% received both high-BAC administrative and high-BAC court dispositions. The proportion of high-BAC first-time offenders who received the statutory high-BAC dispositions declined from 1998 to 1999 and 2000. Based on survival analysis, the one-year recidivism rate among first offenders arrested in 1998 with BACs > or = 0.20% was significantly lower than for offenders with BACs 0.17-0.19% (who also had relatively high BACs but were not subject to enhanced sanctions), after controlling for age and gender. There were similar, but not significant, results for first offenders arrested in 1999.     

Passenger effects on teenage driving and opportunities for reducing the risks of such travel

OBJECTIVES: To review the research evidence concerning the effects of passengers on teenage driving and crash involvement, and to explore ways to reduce negative effects. METHODS: Review of the international literature on these topics. RESULTS: Passenger presence increases crash risk for teenage drivers, especially when the passengers are other teenagers and especially when they are male. Female passengers do not have the same effects. Teenagers are more susceptible to peer influences than adults. The combination of passenger-induced distraction and driving inexperience can disrupt driving behavior, and there is evidence that teenage driver risk taking increases in vehicles with multiple teenagers. Possible ways to reduce the resulting crash problem include altering the in-vehicle behavior of teenagers or influencing their selection of travel partners. Legal restrictions on passengers with teenage drivers have been found effective in reducing the crash problem. Parental monitoring of teenage driving behavior, and programs aimed at teenagers themselves, could be other options but their efficacy is unproven. It currently is unknown why female passengers have a different effect than males or if that might offer clues about future interventions. CONCLUSIONS: Despite passenger restrictions in the majority of states, 42% of 16- and 17-year-old drivers in fatal crashes in 2005 were transporting teenagers with no adults in the vehicle; 61% of teenage passenger deaths (1,222 in 2005) occurred in vehicles driven by other teenagers. Wider application of passenger restrictions is indicated. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Ways to make passenger restrictions more effective are needed, and other techniques for reducing this major problem need development and testing.     

Temporal patterns of crashes of 16-to 17-year-old drivers in Fairfax County, Virginia

OBJECTIVE: To develop a better understanding of the frequency and characteristics of teenage driver crashes occurring during school commute times. METHOD: Data were obtained from police reports of crashes involving drivers ages 16-17 that occurred between September 2001 and August 2004 in Fairfax County, Virginia. Temporal patterns and other characteristics of crash involvement during the school year were examined, and crashes during school commute times were compared with those at other times. RESULTS: Teenage driver crash involvement spiked during weekday school commute times. Compared with other times, crashes during school commute times were significantly more likely to involve multiple vehicles but less likely to result in injuries or involve drivers who were male, made driving errors, or had been drinking alcohol. Crashes during school commute times were more likely to involve more than one teenage driver and occur close to schools. CONCLUSIONS: Crashes involving teenage drivers are prevalent during school commute times. Many of these crashes involve multiple teenage drivers and occur near schools. Schools and communities should consider programs and policies that reduce teenage driving to school and enhance the safety of teenagers that do drive.     

Observed activation status of lane departure warning and forward collision warning of Honda vehicles at dealership service centers

Objective: There are little objective data on whether drivers with lane departure warning and forward collision warning systems actually use them, but self-report data indicate that lane departure warning may be used less and viewed less favorably than forward collision warning. The current study assessed whether the systems were turned on when drivers brought their vehicles to dealership service stations and whether the observational protocol is a feasible method for collecting similar data on various manufacturers' systems.

Methods: Observations of 2013–2015 Honda Accords, 2014–2015 Odysseys, and 2015 CR-Vs occurred at 2 U.S. Honda dealerships for approximately 4 weeks during Summer 2015.

Results: Of the 265 vehicles observed to have the 2 systems, 87 (32.8%) had lane departure warning turned on. Accords were associated with a 66% increase in the likelihood that lane departure warning was turned on compared with Odysseys, but the rate was still only about 40% in Accords. In contrast, forward collision warning was turned on in all but one of the observed vehicles.

Conclusions: Observations found that the activation rate was much higher for forward collision warning than lane departure warning. The observation method worked well and appears feasible for extending to other manufacturers.     

Effects of red light camera enforcement on fatal crashes in large U.S. cities

Objective

To estimate the effects of red light camera enforcement on per capita fatal crash rates at intersections with signal lights.

Methods

From the 99 large U.S. cities with more than 200,000 residents in 2008, 14 cities were identified with red light camera enforcement programs for all of 2004-2008 but not at any time during 1992-1996, and 48 cities were identified without camera programs during either period. Analyses compared the citywide per capita rate of fatal red light running crashes and the citywide per capita rate of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections during the two study periods, and rate changes then were compared for cities with and without cameras programs. Poisson regression was used to model crash rates as a function of red light camera enforcement, land area, and population density.

Results

The average annual rate of fatal red light running crashes declined for both study groups, but the decline was larger for cities with red light camera enforcement programs than for cities without camera programs (35% vs. 14%). The average annual rate of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections decreased by 14% for cities with camera programs and increased slightly (2%) for cities without cameras. After controlling for population density and land area, the rate of fatal red light running crashes during 2004-2008 for cities with camera programs was an estimated 24% lower than what would have been expected without cameras. The rate of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections during 2004-2008 for cities with camera programs was an estimated 17% lower than what would have been expected without cameras.

Conclusions

Red light camera enforcement programs were associated with a statistically significant reduction in the citywide rate of fatal red light running crashes and a smaller but still significant reduction in the rate of all fatal crashes at signalized intersections.

Impact on Industry

The study adds to the large body of evidence that red light camera enforcement can prevent the most serious crashes. Communities seeking to reduce crashes at intersections should consider this evidence.     

Progress in teenage crash risk during the last decade

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of the present study was to examine the most recent data on teenagers' fatal and nonfatal crashes in the United States to determine current crash rates as well as changes in crash rates during the past decade METHODS: Data for calendar years 1996 and 2005 were extracted for fatal crashes from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System and for police-reported crashes from the National Automotive Sampling System/General Estimates System. To calculate crash rates, population data were obtained from the Census Bureau, and mileage data were obtained from the 2001 National Household Travel Survey RESULTS: During 2001-02, the latest year for which mileage data are available, 16 year-old drivers had higher fatal and nonfatal crash rates per mile traveled than all but the very oldest drivers. However, fewer 16 year-olds typically are licensed to drive and they drive fewer miles per year than all but the oldest drivers. Thus, their fatal and nonfatal crash rates per population in 2005 were lower than among other teenagers and among drivers 20-29. During the past decade the most progress has been made in reducing crashes among the youngest drivers. Between 1996 and 2005 both fatal and police-reported crashes per population declined about 40% for 16 year-old drivers, compared with about 25% for 17 year-old drivers and 15-19% for 18 year-old drivers. The greatest reductions for 16 year-olds occurred in nighttime crashes, alcohol-related fatal crashes, and fatal crashes involving multiple teenage passengers. CONCLUSIONS: Substantial progress has been made in reducing fatal and nonfatal crashes per population among 16 year-old drivers. Although this study was not designed to examine the role of graduated licensing, the results are consistent with the increased presence of such laws, many of which restrict nighttime driving and driving with teenage passengers. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Restrictions on nighttime driving and driving with teenage passengers should be made a part of all states' graduated licensing systems. Historically, 16 year-olds have had the highest crash risk per licensed driver and per mile traveled. Given the dramatic reductions in per population crash rates among 16 year-olds, it is possible that their per mile and per licensed driver rates also have declined and may no longer be as elevated relative to other ages. However, shortcomings in the licensed driver data and a lack of recent mileage data hamper our ability to examine these issues. If we are to continue to provide a yardstick against which we can measure progress among the youngest drivers, immediate steps need to be taken to restore the availability of reliable exposure data.     

Age of licensure and monitoring teenagers' driving: survey of parents of novice teenage drivers

OBJECTIVE: To assess parental decision making regarding the timing of teenagers initiating driving and monitoring teenagers' driving after licensure. METHODS: About 300 parents were interviewed during spring 2006 in Minnesota, North Carolina, and Rhode Island, states with varying licensing provisions, while teenagers took their first on-road driving tests. RESULTS: States' differences in ages of obtaining learner's permits and licenses reflected different licensing laws, but most teenagers obtained permits and took road tests within the first few months after they became eligible. Common reasons for delaying obtaining permits were fulfilling driver education requirements and lack of readiness/immaturity. Insufficient practice driving most often delayed licensure. Among the parents interviewed, 33-49% believed the minimum licensure age should be 17 or older. Almost all parents planned to supervise teenagers' driving after licensure, and most wanted to know about speeding or distractions. When asked about in-vehicle devices to monitor teenagers' driving, 37-59% of parents had heard of them. Parents were least interested in using video cameras and about equally interested in computer chips and cell-phone-based GPS systems. Disinterest in monitoring devices most often was attributed to trusting teenagers or respecting their privacy. CONCLUSIONS: Licensing laws influence ages of initiating driving. Although many parents support licensing at 17 or older - higher than in all but one state - most teenagers initiate driving soon after reaching the minimum age. Parents plan to supervise teenagers' driving, and many say they are open to using in-vehicle monitoring devices. IMPACT ON INDUSTRY: Many parents support a minimum licensing age of 17 or older and would consider in-vehicle devices to extend their supervision of teenager's driving.     

Requiring belt use as part of a school parking permit program: does it increase students' belt use?

OBJECTIVE: Teenagers have very high motor vehicle crash rates, and their use of seat belts is generally lower than that of adults. A potential school-based strategy to increase teenagers' belt use is a policy making parking privileges contingent on belt use by student drivers and their passengers. This study evaluated the effects of implementing a school belt policy. METHODS: The effects of a belt policy were evaluated during the 2003-2004 school year at high schools in two states: Connecticut, a state with a primary enforcement belt law and high belt use rates, and Mississippi, a state with a secondary enforcement law and generally low use rates. Both schools enforced the policy, and violations resulted in a graduated set of penalties leading to the potential loss of parking privileges. Baseline and post-policy belt use rates were obtained from observation surveys of student drivers and their teenage passengers coming to and from school. Changes in belt use were examined relative to belt use trends at comparison schools without a belt policy. Implementation of the policies also was monitored. RESULTS: In Mississippi, among students arriving at school in the morning, driver belt use increased from 42% before the policy to 67% about 6 months after; passenger belt use increased from 16% to 61%, although sample sizes were small. These increases were significantly larger than expected, based on belt use trends at the comparison school in Mississippi. In Connecticut, where 86% of drivers and 79% of their passengers already were belted prior to the policy, there was no significant change. Both schools publicized and monitored the belt policy, and most enforcement occurred in the morning as students arrived at school. CONCLUSIONS: Based on a small-scale application of a belt policy at two schools in different states, a school belt policy may have stronger effects in states where belt use is low. Strong penalties and enforcement are essential elements of an effective policy. Adequate resources and commitment are needed for schools to implement and monitor the type of strong policy needed to sustain high belt use rates. Replication of this study in additional schools appears warranted.     

MOVEMENT AND WAYFINDING IN THE KING SAUD UNIVERSITY BUILT ENVIRONMENT: A LOOK AT FRESHMAN ORIENTATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL INFORMATION

One potentially significant, yet hardly investigated, criterion for postoccupancy evaluation is the legibility of a setting—the degree to which a building or group of buildings facilitate the ability of users to find their way around. Legibility is one of the foundation concepts of environmental psychology, yet it has not often been considered enough as a guiding principle in design. The purpose of this paper is to analyse spatial orientation and wayfinding problems encountered by newcomers (freshman students) at the King Saud University (KSU) campus, Saudi Arabia, and to test/relate this to Lynch's elements of the image of cities. The analysis draws on previous research findings, theories, and more general observations, as well as observations made of wayfinding performance and map sketching by 30 high-school students likely to soon enroll at the university. Many specific problems with orientation and the architectural legibility of the buildings are identified and discussed. Emphasis is placed upon physical-setting variables that are likely to affect the ease with which spatial orientation and wayfinding are accomplished. These include the following facets of the KSU built environment: degree of differentiation; degree of visual access; and complexity of spatial layout.Legible buildings within which people can effectively maintain their orientation and find their way, according to this research, are in no way simplistic, dull, or boring; on the contrary, settings must possess distinctive landmarks and regions which, along with understandable path networks, allow users to know where they are and how to make their way to desired destinations. Coherent and legible environments are important in the lives of the people who use them. The movement of people through buildings and the factors that influence whether or not they are able to find their way need to continue to be of significance to both researchers and practitioners.